De Aquí y De Allá: Surviving Oaxacalifornia

by Chrysty Lopez

October 9th, 2022

It was a typical Sunday evening at around 8:30 PM, and I was preparing my backpack for school the next day. I took a break then to embark on my nightly scroll through X(formerly Twitter). Suffice it to say that my feed was going a bit crazy—something about an audio leak. I went to the search tab to investigate, and it was already trending. This audio, leaked over a year after it was secretly recorded, exposed a conversation between three Los Angeles City Council members, Nury Martinez, Gil Cedillo, Kevin De Leon, and a prominent union president, Ron Ferrera. This conversation was chock full of racist and derogatory language directed at various ethnic and racial groups, and Nury Martinez led the charge against Oaxacans. She claimed not to know what village these "little short dark people" came from, exclaiming that they were very ugly nonetheless. Gil Cedillo added to this, mocking his fellow, Kevin De Leon, joking that these people were "Not even like Kevin, little ones." Ron Ferrera chimed in on this conversation, explaining that his mom used to call them indios. This recording, for all of its hateful speech, threw LA politics into chaos, leading to protests, resignations, and condemnations from average citizens all the way up to President Biden himself(Times Staff). Five minutes after I found this audio, I ran to wake up my mom to show her. We were both confused about what to do with all of this. It was an interesting moment for the more than 200,000 Oaxacans in Los Angeles forced to confront the fact that we are not really a part of the Mexican diaspora. There's a reason they call it Oaxacalifornia.

Surviving Oaxacalifornia

Oaxacalifornia is a combination of the names of the states of Oaxaca and California, the "ca" connecting the end of Oaxaca with the beginning of California. The state of Oaxaca is located in southern Mexico. It is one of the country's poorest and has the largest Indigenous population. Therefore, the history of Oaxacan migration and settlement patterns is a story of violence and displacement. Mexico's economic reforms between the 1960s and 80s opened up the country to foreign markets, leading to the seizing of communally owned lands throughout the state, effectively ending self-sufficient farming.

Additionally, this market restructuring caused a massive decrease in the prices of corn and other main crops, preventing small farmers from competing with large companies. Thus, They were forced to migrate and became essential labor for these large-scale farmers who benefited from the agricultural reforms that displaced them. As Indigenous communities were pushed out, they migrated north, first to states such as Sinaloa and Baja California and eventually to the United States, primarily the Western state of California. This initial push was followed by NAFTA, a neoliberal trade agreement between the US, Canada, and Mexico, whose elimination of tariffs on agricultural imports only accelerated migration to the US. This loss for small farmers created an even greater opportunity for larger American farmers, who then sought out cheaper labor from the economically depressed Oaxaca to replace the traditional migrant labor pool from largely non-Indigenous mestizo communities in more northern states. The US racialization process of migrants from south of the border as Latine/Hispanic often obscures Indigenous experiences of displacement and ignores the unique identities, cultures, and processes they must navigate on top of the traditional Mexican migrant experience. Indigenous Oaxacans maintain a distinct identity as Indigenous peoples with a deep connection to the land, which therefore shapes how the diaspora in California make meaning of these new lands they inhabit as guests or visitors, and ignoring this is a benefit to the colonial structures that displace us from our homelands to benefit from their natural resources(Nicolas). Nonetheless, as these communities have migrated, rather than becoming the passive victims of the systemic oppressive structures of the US and Mexican state, they have built vibrant transnational networks and solidarities to maintain and redefine communities and themselves here and in their homelands.

Oaxacalifornia is, therefore, a multifaceted concept born out of this history, representing this real and imagined transnational space inhabited by Indigenous Oaxacan migrants in California. It describes a symbolic and deterritorialized space, envisioned as an imagined community composed of our traditional epistemologies and narratives in conjunction with our continuous efforts to maintain and transform our cultural identity across borders. Beyond being a reference to the geographic location now home to approximately 350,000 Oaxacan immigrants, it is a rich cultural and socio-political construct where traditional practices, communal activities, and political activism converge to sustain a vibrant and dynamic identity. Initially coined by anthropologist Michael Kearney, this concept is one of hybridization, merging different structures and processes to create a transborder cultural and geographic space transformed through communicative practices and global grassroots engagement(Mercado).

Sports and music play pivotal roles in the making of Oaxacalifornia, serving as critical avenues for cultural expression and community cohesion. According to Berger and Peña, the Indigenous Oaxacan ballgame Pelota Mixteca is a significant cultural practice that helps create spaces for community building and cultural expression among Oaxacan migrants in California. However, its declining popularity among younger generations highlights the challenges of preserving cultural traditions in diasporic contexts. Similarly, Chávez highlights the importance of bandas (brass bands) in preserving Oaxacan culture within the diaspora. These musical groups act as cultural bridges, connecting Oaxacan communities in California with their roots in Oaxaca, fostering a sense of pride, and reinforcing transnational ties.

Additionally, Kummels discusses the role of Ayuujk basketball tournaments in the cultural life of Oaxacan communities. Although basketball was not originally an Indigenous sport, it has been embraced and transformed into a crucial cultural activity among the Ayuujk diaspora in Los Angeles. These tournaments serve as platforms for cultural expression, community bonding, and resistance against discrimination. Supported by self-managed media outlets, these events promote Ayuujk collective identity and illustrate the resilience and adaptability of Indigenous Oaxacan communities in Oaxacalifornia. Together, these activities—Pelota Mixteca, bandas, and basketball—demonstrate the diverse ways in which sports and music contribute to cultural preservation and community building in the diaspora.

The labor and mobility experiences of Indigenous Oaxacan migrants further shape the concept of Oaxacalifornia. Cubas explores the integration of Indigenous labor within California's agricultural sectors, underscoring the neoliberal framework that differentially includes Indigenous workers. This dynamic highlights the devaluation of small-scale agriculture in Oaxaca and the essentialization of Indigenous labor in California. Despite these challenges, the resilience and adaptability of these communities are evident as they navigate and resist the systemic pressures of their diasporic existence.

Oaxacalifornia also embodies a space where Indigenous identity is reconstructed and mobilized for political and cultural autonomy. Kearney discusses how Mixtec and Zapotec migrants navigate transnational life, developing new forms of community that transcend national borders. This transnational identity challenges traditional state hegemonies and fosters political activism. Rivera-Salgado further examines the grassroots political strategies of Mixtec migrants, emphasizing the unique cultural resources and intensified ethnic identity that distinguish Oaxacalifornia from broader Mexican immigration patterns. The younger generations now continue to navigate complex identity formation processes influenced by all of these cultural practices, family support, and community activities. Ortiz explores this ambivalence of belonging experienced by children of Indigenous Mexican immigrants in California, noting the crucial role of language proficiency, discrimination, and familial support in shaping their identities. Undeniably, community resilience and diasporic organizing are essential components of these processes. Romero, a Zoogochense now residing in LA, political activist, Indigenous language interpreter, and co-founder of Comunidades Indígenas En Liderazgo (CIELO), discusses her experiences of the challenges Indigenous people face due to displacement and emphasizes the importance of language justice and community organizing for cultural and physical survival. These efforts are crucial for maintaining a sense of belonging and continuity amidst the challenges of displacement and discrimination. The collective experiences and struggles of Indigenous Oaxacan migrants, as articulated by community members like Odilia Romero, provide vital insights into the ongoing resilience and activism within Oaxacalifornia.

Diasporic Futures

Historically, NAIS has often focused predominantly on Indigenous experiences within the United States and Canada, inadvertently marginalizing Indigenous peoples from Latin America and beyond. This oversight has resulted in what can be considered a fragmented understanding of indigeneity that does not fully account for the diverse experiences of all Indigenous peoples, or even those just on the American continent. Instead, Latin American Studies have been left to fill this role and have often done so in ways that harm the Indigenous communities they claim to serve. Integrating the study of this unique form of diasporic living within NAIS challenges the dominant narratives that often render these communities invisible or homogenized within broader Latinx or immigrant contexts, which has had and continues to have fatal consequences for those caught in this false understanding. This scholarship must change to recognize the distinct cultural practices, languages, and identities of Indigenous people south of the US-Mexico border if NAIS wishes to continue its efforts in challenging colonial structures.

There is a famous saying in the Mexican-American community, "ni de aquí, ni de allá," which roughly translates to "not from here, not from there." This is in reference to the feelings of many Mexican Americans that they are too American for Mexicans and too Mexican for Americans. I reject this. Oaxacans, as Indigenous people in the diaspora, have been made to feel placeless for far too long. Instead, I posit "somos de aquí y de allá"; we are from here and from there, and we are not going anywhere. Ultimately, for this reason, Oaxacalifornia represents more than a mere geographic or demographic reality; it embodies a resilient, adaptive cultural and political space that challenges and transcends traditional borders and identities. It is a testament to the enduring spirit of Indigenous Oaxacan communities, who, despite facing systemic displacement and economic marginalization, continue to maintain and transform their cultural heritage and communal ties. Recognizing and envisioning this reality is the only way forward to ensure that we are invisible no more.